Patterns24 March 20265 min read

What Trinidad and Tobago Actually Signed at Doral

By R.A. Dorvil

Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago

Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago - Wikimedia Commons

On March 7, 2026, at the Trump National Doral resort in Miami, President Donald Trump signed the Doral Charter establishing the Americas Counter-Cartel Coalition - known as A3C. Seventeen nations signed. Trinidad and Tobago was one of them.

Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar stood to Trump's right during the ceremony. She received the pen he used to sign the agreement. Both details were reported by local media as diplomatic achievements. Neither detail tells you what was actually agreed to.

What the Charter Says

Trump's own characterisation of the coalition's mandate was not ambiguous: "The heart of our agreement is a commitment to using lethal military force to destroy the sinister cartels and terrorist networks once and for all." He added: "You have to just tell us where they are. We have amazing weaponry."

The 17 signatories include Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guyana, Honduras, Panama, Paraguay, and Trinidad and Tobago. Notably absent were Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia - three countries with the most direct exposure to cartel operations and the most reason to be cautious about US military frameworks in the region.

Two days before the signing, Defence Minister Wayne Sturge attended the Americas Counter-Cartel Conference at US Southern Command, where he appealed for more "assets" for Trinidad and Tobago. The Prime Minister separately met with SOUTHCOM commander General Francis Donovan and extended an invitation for him to visit Trinidad and Tobago. She identified cybersecurity, forensics, and ballistics as priority areas for US support.

The Timing

The Doral signing did not happen in isolation. Consider the sequence.

In early January 2026, US military operations resulted in what international outlets described as the capture of Venezuelan President Maduro. From November 2025 through March 2026, 108 US Marines and a G/ATOR radar system were stationed in Tobago - a deployment a US military communications officer confirmed could be used in conflict with Venezuela. On March 3 - four days before the Doral summit - the US and Ecuador launched joint military operations against cartel networks, with US Special Forces advising Ecuadorian commandos. That same day, Trinidad and Tobago declared its own State of Emergency.

Regional analysts have described the A3C framework as a "Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine" - an assertion of US security primacy in the Western Hemisphere, formalised through bilateral military agreements with willing partners.

What It Means for Trinidad and Tobago

Trinidad and Tobago is not Ecuador. It does not have active cartel-controlled territory. Its crime crisis, while severe, is driven by local gang networks with regional supply chain connections, not by transnational cartels with territorial control. The question is what a "commitment to lethal military force against cartels" means in practice for a twin-island nation of 1.4 million people.

The PM's public framing was carefully calibrated: "We cannot do it alone; the assistance of the US will help us win the war against the criminals." Local business leaders "largely welcomed the move," according to the Express, though some "cautioned that expanded military operations in the Caribbean should be carefully managed."

The caution is worth examining. A3C is a military alliance, not an aid programme. It creates frameworks for joint operations, intelligence sharing, and asset deployment. When the US says "tell us where they are," it is offering to bring kinetic capability to partner nations. The question is what is expected in return.

The Broader Game

The A3C coalition is not only about cartels. US strategic interests in the Caribbean are shaped by two additional factors: the post-Maduro posture toward Venezuela, and the growing economic presence of China in the region.

China's trade with Latin America reached approximately US$518 billion in 2024. The current US administration has been pressing coalition partners to limit China's role in critical infrastructure - ports, energy, telecommunications. Joining A3C does not formally require any position on China, but the diplomatic context is clear: the coalition is part of a broader effort to consolidate US influence in the hemisphere, and members are expected to align accordingly.

Trinidad and Tobago's relationship with Venezuela has historically been critical for energy - the Dragon Gas project depends on cooperation with whoever governs Caracas. Joining a US military coalition whose operations have included action against the Venezuelan government creates tension with that energy dependency.

The Pen

There is a tradition in American politics of the signing pen. The president signs a document and hands the pen to the person he considers most important to the agreement's success - or the person whose support he most values. It is a gesture of inclusion and, implicitly, of obligation.

Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar received the pen. Local coverage treated it as a moment of diplomatic recognition. It may also be a symbol of something the country has not fully debated: the terms on which Trinidad and Tobago has agreed to participate in a US-led military architecture in the Caribbean, at a moment when the definition of "cartel threat" is expanding and the US posture in the region is becoming more assertive.

The pen is in Port of Spain. The implications are still arriving.

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